CCTV.com 01-30-2016
Less then 2 months ago, Chinese president Xi Jinping attended the
opening ceremony of the second summit of the Forum on China-Africa
Cooperation, or FOCAC, in Johannesburg South Africa. He proposed lifting
the China-Africa relationship to a comprehensive strategic cooperative
partnership, and announced 10 major programs to boost China-Africa
cooperation in the coming 3 years. He has also emphasized the importance
of China-Africa ties at other times.
Help for long term development.
Last year, President Xi Jinping announced assistance and loans
totaling $60 billion for Africa, to help the continent address its top
three difficulties: infrastructure, talent and funding. During the
opening ceremony of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Summit on
December 4th, the president said the funding plan was to ensure that
China rolls out 10 concrete actions for cooperation in the next three
years to help boost African development.
The 10 proposed cooperation plans cover the areas of
industrialization, agricultural modernization, infrastructure, poverty
reduction and people-to-people exchanges.
President Xi also hailed the current China-Africa ties.
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Saturday, January 30, 2016
Thursday, January 28, 2016
Colonizing the Black Natives: Charter Schools and Teach for America
This piece was published on March 14, 2014 on Cloaking Inequity.
Each day, I could have up to 10 students in my office, affectionately dubbed the T.O.C., (time out center) by the end of the first period. Students continued to come throughout the day as teachers would simply not allow students to come back to their classroom. Most of the teachers guilty of this behavior were (TFA) Teach for America cohort members who were great hearted individuals, but could not control their classrooms. Most had no sense of cultural competence and frankly felt as if they did not need to know the kids to teach them. When a few teachers attempted to develop relationships with Black students and parents, it seemed disingenuous and painful. Many times, they avoided parent phone calls and conferences because they felt like a confrontation would occur. Students would enter my office daily and say “she put me out for nothing,” “I just got up to sharpen my pencil and she said go to Mr. Griffin, that lady don’t like me.”
Are some charters’ practices new forms of colonial hegemony? When examining current discipline policies and aligned behavioral norms within charter school spaces, postcolonial theory is useful because of the striking similarities between problematic socialization practices and the educational regimes of the uncivilized masses in colonized nations. A number of postcolonial theorists focus on multiple ways that oppressors dominate their subjects and maintain power over them. For example, while working as the Dean of Students for a charter school in New Orleans, it took me some time to realize that I had been enforcing rules and policies that stymied creativity, culture and student voice. Though some of my main duties involved ensuring the safety and security of all students and adults at the school, investigating student behavioral incidents and establishing a calm and positive school culture, I felt as if I was doing the opposite.
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Each day, I could have up to 10 students in my office, affectionately dubbed the T.O.C., (time out center) by the end of the first period. Students continued to come throughout the day as teachers would simply not allow students to come back to their classroom. Most of the teachers guilty of this behavior were (TFA) Teach for America cohort members who were great hearted individuals, but could not control their classrooms. Most had no sense of cultural competence and frankly felt as if they did not need to know the kids to teach them. When a few teachers attempted to develop relationships with Black students and parents, it seemed disingenuous and painful. Many times, they avoided parent phone calls and conferences because they felt like a confrontation would occur. Students would enter my office daily and say “she put me out for nothing,” “I just got up to sharpen my pencil and she said go to Mr. Griffin, that lady don’t like me.”
Are some charters’ practices new forms of colonial hegemony? When examining current discipline policies and aligned behavioral norms within charter school spaces, postcolonial theory is useful because of the striking similarities between problematic socialization practices and the educational regimes of the uncivilized masses in colonized nations. A number of postcolonial theorists focus on multiple ways that oppressors dominate their subjects and maintain power over them. For example, while working as the Dean of Students for a charter school in New Orleans, it took me some time to realize that I had been enforcing rules and policies that stymied creativity, culture and student voice. Though some of my main duties involved ensuring the safety and security of all students and adults at the school, investigating student behavioral incidents and establishing a calm and positive school culture, I felt as if I was doing the opposite.
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Amasunzu hairstyle: Rwanda
By Ruvarashe Beta on January 25, 2016 — THIS IS AFRICA
The Amasunzu traditional hairstyle is hands down one of the most creative ever. Still being worn today, it was and still is a symbol of pride in Rwanda.
The Amasunzu hairstyle represented different roles and stages in life of women and men. When warriors wore the style, it symbolized strength and bravery. Worn by women, it usually marked marital status and virginity. Young woman wore it before they were married. After marriage, some women let their hair grow freely.
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The Amasunzu hairstyle represented different roles and stages in life of women and men. When warriors wore the style, it symbolized strength and bravery. Worn by women, it usually marked marital status and virginity. Young woman wore it before they were married. After marriage, some women let their hair grow freely.
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Monday, January 18, 2016
China and Zimbabwe’s all-weather friendship
by Ian Scoones
AFRICAN ARGUMENT - January 18, 2016
There was much hype in the local press ahead of this visit. Was China going to bail out Zimbabwe, with the government’s Look East policy finally paying off? Was the Chinese president, ahead of the ruling ZANU-PF Congress, going to help with the succession issue by publicly backing Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who has long ties with China? Was this going to be a turning point for Zimbabwe’s politics and economy?
The answer to all these questions was, in short, no. As with many other engagements with China over the past few years, the heady expectations were not matched by the more pragmatic reality.
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AFRICAN ARGUMENT - January 18, 2016
South
Africa’s President Jacob Zuma (left), China’s President Xi Jinping
(centre) and Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe (right) opening the 2015
FOCAC summit in South Africa. Credit: GCIS.
At the end of last year, China’s President Xi Jinping dropped in to Harare en route to the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in South Africa where he pledged $60bn for
African development. The road to Harare airport was adorned with huge
posters welcoming Zimbabwe’s “all-weather friend”. The Chinese
delegation included around 200 officials, all keen to consolidate the
long-standing relationship between the two countries.There was much hype in the local press ahead of this visit. Was China going to bail out Zimbabwe, with the government’s Look East policy finally paying off? Was the Chinese president, ahead of the ruling ZANU-PF Congress, going to help with the succession issue by publicly backing Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who has long ties with China? Was this going to be a turning point for Zimbabwe’s politics and economy?
The answer to all these questions was, in short, no. As with many other engagements with China over the past few years, the heady expectations were not matched by the more pragmatic reality.
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Sunday, January 17, 2016
Friday, January 1, 2016
Africa in Review 2015 Part II : Social Crises, Peacekeeping Operations and the Legacy of Imperialism
From Burundi to Ghana and beyond the intervention of western states continues as an impediment to genuine development
By Abayomi AzikiweLibya 360°
One of the major issues gaining international attention during 2015 was the political crisis in the Central African state of Burundi stemming from a dispute over whether incumbent President Pierre Nkurunziza could pursue a third term in office. Mass demonstrations took place in the capital demanding that the president reverse his decision to run for a third term.
Nkurunziza was appointed as the head-of-state over Burundi in the aftermath of a negotiated transition process aimed at ending a twelve year civil war during 1993-2005. The president said that the first term resulted from an appointment by the parliament and the second election was the first one where he had to stand before the electorate. A Burundi Constitutional Court decision on May 5 upheld the position of Nkurunziza in the disagreement.
The National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) ruling party won the elections held on July 21 guaranteeing Nkurunziza another five year term of office. Burundi is considered a lesser developed state with an economy based on agricultural production and exports.
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